When we visit the Algeria page on the official website of the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP), we find that it states that this Maghreb country has been hosting five camps near the city of Tindouf, sheltering "refugees from Western Sahara" since 1975. The website describes the situation as "one of the longest-standing refugee crises in the world."
The WFP’s country report does not provide any data on the number of camp residents, as neither the Polisario Front nor Algeria allows a census. However, it reveals alarming statistics about their health conditions, stating that 77% suffer from "food insecurity or are at risk of food insecurity." Additionally, 53.5% of girls and women aged 15 to 49 suffer from anemia, a percentage that rises to 54.2% among children aged 6 to 59 months. Within this age group, 10.7% suffer from acute malnutrition, and 28.8% from chronic malnutrition.
The report also states that the WFP has been supporting the most vulnerable refugees since 1986 at the request of the Algerian government, covering their basic food needs. It provides 134,000 food rations to the Sahrawis in the camps, consisting of various grains, legumes, sugar, vegetable oil, and blended foods, distributed through 116 distribution points.
These facts raise questions about the real reason behind the deteriorating health conditions and the growing threat of famine in the Tindouf camps. This situation persists despite the Polisario leadership enjoying a life of luxury, whether in their homes, investments, and properties in Algeria or during their travels and stays in various countries, where they solicit "humanitarian aid" only to become wealthy property and business owners.
The story of the Polisario leaders and financial aid, which increasingly appears to benefit them rather than the camp's residents, has become a major cause of ongoing protests by thousands of people suffering under harsh humanitarian conditions. Many are unable to comprehend why the United Nations, along with donor countries and organizations—including the United States, Spain, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, and Brazil—allocated $214 million in 2023 to ensure food stability, enhance access to education, and improve health conditions for the Sahrawis in Tindouf, yet their situation continues to worsen.
To understand the stark contrast between the "luxury" enjoyed by dozens of Polisario leaders and the "misery" of the 173,000 camp residents—according to the latest UNHCR estimate from 2018—Assahifa conducted a special investigation tracing the flow of government, party, and NGO funding across three continents. The investigation follows the money trail until it disappears into the pockets of certain individuals.
NGOs: A Gateway to European Funding
Politically, Morocco’s proposal to resolve the Sahara conflict—based on an autonomy plan under Moroccan sovereignty as the sole basis for negotiations—did not initially receive broad and explicit support within the European Union. However, this has changed significantly since late 2020, when the United States recognized Morocco’s sovereignty over its southern provinces.
As of October 2024, Morocco’s Foreign Ministry reports that 20 out of 27 EU member states now explicitly support Morocco’s autonomy proposal in the Sahara, albeit in different ways.
Nevertheless, the Polisario continues to secure a foothold in Europe, which remains a major financial and material aid source. The group has built an extensive network that ensures its leaders can operate freely and sustain their movement. This network is primarily rooted in civil society organizations that aim to support initiatives for adequate housing, food security, and healthcare services for Tindouf camp residents.
Each year, the Polisario receives large quantities of material aid—including food supplies, clothing, medical equipment, and pharmaceuticals—as well as direct financial support for health, education, and housing projects. These funds come mainly through NGO support and "twinning agreements" with municipal councils, often led by leftist parties.
Parisian Money for Separatists
The Polisario's financial support in France is primarily linked to the Communist Party and its affiliated organizations. This far-left party, currently led by Fabien Roussel—a former journalist at the party's newspaper L'Humanité and the public broadcaster France 3—holds only eight seats in the French National Assembly.
This party's last participation in the French government was between 1997 and 2002 during the tenure of Prime Minister Lionel Jospin from the Socialist Party, when the late President Jacques Chirac was forced to coexist with the left, which won the legislative elections.
Despite its electoral decline, the party has consistently maintained its political backing for the separatist Polisario Front. This was evident when its leader, Fabien Roussel, quickly condemned President Emmanuel Macron after France declared its support for Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara in a letter to King Mohammed VI on July 30, 2024.
Let us also remember, as previously mentioned, that Roussel is a former journalist at L'Humanité, the official newspaper of the French Communist Party, which Senator Fabien Gay now manages. This newspaper plays a key role in providing financial support to the Polisario Front, particularly in the capital, Paris.
According to multiple sources, this support is channeled through the funding of organizations such as the "Association of Sahrawis in France" (ASF) and the "Association of the Sahrawi Community in France" (ACSF). The funds come from membership fees, donations, and revenue generated by selling handicrafts, artisanal products, and food during the annual Fête de l'Humanité, an event organized by the Communist newspaper on the second weekend of September.
This festival gathers various left-wing political organizations, activists involved in "humanitarian work," and Polisario members, along with supporters of their cause from both associations and the Polisario’s "representation" in France.
One of the key figures behind fundraising efforts in Paris is Mohamed Salem Lehimer, a Polisario member and president of the "Association of the Sahrawi Community in France." These operations receive political cover, especially in the Mantes-la-Jolie suburb, from his son Sidi Lehimer, the former first deputy mayor and interim mayor between January and May 2022.
Ironically, Sidi Lehimer is a member of the right-wing Les Républicains party, which openly supports Morocco’s sovereignty over the Sahara. However, in December 2023, the Versailles Court of Appeals convicted him of influence peddling, abuse of power, and witness tampering. He was sentenced to two years in prison, including one year with an electronic bracelet, and barred from holding public office for five years.
According to Assahifa's sources, Sidi Lehimer, who was in charge of social affairs in Mantes-la-Jolie, regularly organized "charity" events in which Moroccan expatriates contributed money, often without knowing where these funds were going.
Meanwhile, the "Association of Sahrawis in France," led by Mubarak Ould Mohamed (nicknamed "Ranna"), not only benefits from revenues generated by the Fête de l'Humanité but also receives financial support from municipal councils and local institutions. Additionally, its president issues certificates to asylum seekers in France—for a fee—allowing them to claim refugee status.
The Polisario’s financial network in France extends beyond grants and donations. It also relies on "investments" to generate wealth. For example, the "Association of Sahrawi Workers in France" has, since the early 2000s, collected contributions from its members, enriching many of its leaders. One of them, treasurer Mohamed Salem Lehimer, used these funds to open a commercial center in the Normandy region near Vernon, about 100 kilometers from Paris. By 2008, this project had already generated €1.35 million in profits.
The Polisario Network in France
The financing of the Polisario Front within France is not limited to Paris and its suburbs but extends to other cities and municipalities, such as the municipality of Rezé near the city of Nantes, in the Loire region. Specifically, during the tenure of its former mayor, Gérard Allard, the municipality allocated €100,000 over five years to the Polisario for a project aimed at building healthcare institutions and identifying schools in the Tindouf camps.
The Socialist Party politician, who led Rezé from 2014 to 2020, also pledged, according to the information we obtained, to secure an additional €100,000 for the separatists through contributions from several French cities.
Months before the French municipal elections—whose first round took place in March 2020—Allard hosted a Polisario delegation at the Rezé municipal headquarters in June 2019. The delegation included Polisario leadership member Mariem Salek Hamada and the front's representative in France, Oubi Buchraya Bachir. At that time, Allard reaffirmed his commitment to supporting the separatists. However, he lost the election the following year and decided to retire from politics in 2021.
In eastern France, the "Association for Solidarity with the Sahrawi People in Lorraine" (ASPS), headquartered in Nancy, is another notable entity. The association, led by Frenchman Philippe Leclerc, coordinates the collection of in-kind aid and financial donations under the guise of "humanitarian assistance" for the Sahrawi people in the Tindouf camps.
The primary source of these contributions is the council of the Meurthe-et-Moselle department, alongside various municipalities in the region, and donations from association members and Polisario supporters. According to local sources, the association has also received grants from the Meuse department council in Lorraine in recent years—€3,000, then €2,000, and later €2,500—to fund the construction of a multi-purpose hall within a school in the so-called "Bojador province" inside the Tindouf camps, with a total estimated cost of €15,000.
In Bordeaux, the "House of Algeria" in Aquitaine, along with the Algerian Consulate General, serves as the primary financier of the "Sahrawi Association in Bordeaux." Funding includes financial and administrative support as well as funding for propaganda efforts. This is done through membership fees set at €50, along with other financial contributions and donations.
Both the "Sahrawi Association" in Bordeaux and the "House of Algeria" that funds it were established under the 1901 law as "non-profit organizations." This legal status qualifies them to receive annual financial support from the French government while also allowing them to conduct "economic" activities to generate income. Despite these financial advantages, the association's membership has declined in recent years following revelations of financial mismanagement and embezzlement.
Spain: The Gold Mine
In Spain, pro-Polisario associations are even more active, particularly in regions with strong separatist movements, such as Catalonia and the Canary Islands. Additionally, the Polisario has a significant presence in other areas, including Madrid and Andalusia—geographically the closest Spanish region to Morocco. Over the years, the separatists have successfully secured substantial funding in these areas.
In the Canary Islands, the regional government is a major financier of Polisario-affiliated associations, benefiting from the influence of separatist-leaning nationalist parties like the Canarian Coalition. This party, founded in 1993, currently leads the regional parliament under Fernando Clavijo, the president of the Canary Islands government. His pro-Moroccan stance during his October 2024 visit to Rabat, where he supported Morocco’s autonomy plan for Western Sahara, was therefore seen as a shocking shift.
According to multiple sources in Las Palmas, the Canary Islands' regional government, through its External Affairs Council, has allocated €2,000,000 annually since 1995 to support Polisario separatists in the Canary Islands. These funds are first distributed to the local governments of individual islands—including Las Palmas, Tenerife, Fuerteventura, Lanzarote, La Gomera, La Palma, and El Hierro—before being transferred to the Polisario’s representation in the Canary Islands.
Another source of funding comes from the Canary Islands branch of the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID). At the request of the Canary Islands’ Directorate of International Cooperation, AECID allocates an annual budget to cover the "needs of the Sahrawi people" in the region and support "humanitarian projects" in the Tindouf camps.
At the grassroots level, the Polisario benefits from funding through ACAPS, an international humanitarian organization. The Directorate General for Africa within the Canary Islands government allocates €1,000,000 annually for "humanitarian aid to the Sahrawi people" through a cooperation plan coordinated by the Network of NGOs in the Canary Islands (CONGDCA).
Funding for the Polisario in Spain also flows from Andalusia, which has the highest number of municipalities in the country—778 in total. This has provided the separatists with multiple sources of financial support, recently amounting to €25,000, according to local sources.
For instance, in the Cádiz region, the regional parliament previously allocated €22,500 to the "Federation of Associations of Friends of the Sahrawi People" (FECADIZ). This federation operates in various cities and municipalities, including Algeciras, which has a significant Moroccan community. The funds were designated for "supporting holiday programs for Sahrawi children and developing projects in the Tindouf camps."
In Navarre, northern Spain, the regional government recently allocated €316,000 to NGOs operating in the Tindouf camps. This funding was divided as follows: €178,000 for food aid, €84,000 for healthcare, €25,950 for the so-called "Sahrawi administration," and €28,000 for education—marking the third consecutive year of such financial support.
Madrid: Misguided Government Support
A former member of the Polisario Front, currently residing in Madrid, confirmed to Assahifa that Spanish funding networks are the main contributors to the support directed at the Polisario. This is due to Spain’s historical status as a former colonial power in the Sahara. He explained that this support comes from various sources, including associations, political parties, human rights and humanitarian organizations, and municipal councils.
The same source, who was involved in financial transfers to the Polisario, clarified that the funding network in Spain does not receive support from the central government. However, Spanish civil society remains committed to the separatist narrative, despite the government's recognition of Morocco's sovereignty over the Sahara.
Nevertheless, information obtained by Assahifa from Spanish sources indicates that Pedro Sánchez's government allocated more than €12 million in humanitarian aid to the Tindouf camps in 2024, a significant increase compared to previous years. This aid is usually delivered through the so-called "Sahrawi Red Crescent" organization.
This "organization" does not appear on the official list of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC), headquartered in Geneva. However, it is the main entity receiving and distributing Spanish government aid, with the assistance of the Algerian Red Crescent, for which Madrid allocated €1.7 million in 2024 alone to "improve nutrition conditions for the Sahrawis."
Misused Funds
The Polisario Front also benefits from €6 million granted by the Spanish Ministry of Defense to support "former Sahrawi soldiers." However, sources confirm that this money goes directly to the separatist leadership and is used for propaganda purposes rather than for the intended recipients.
These financial resources rarely reach the camp residents to improve their dire living conditions. Instead, they are channeled through different networks to strengthen the separatist front’s strategy in Europe, aimed at persuading civil society and public opinion of their cause, according to Sahrawi opposition sources.
The same sources revealed that in 2017, a budget of €85,170 was allocated to entities supporting the separatist cause, such as the "Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders" (CODESA) and the "Sahrawi Association of Victims of Grave Human Rights Violations" (ASVDH). Part of this budget, including €5,000 from humanitarian NGOs, was fully directed to internal separatist structures.
Further corroborating these claims, additional sources confirmed that in 2017, separatist-supporting associations received 112,000 dirhams, including 15,000 dirhams for ASVDH, 10,000 dirhams for the "Committee for the Defense of the Right to Self-Determination for the People of Western Sahara" (CODAPSO), and 4,000 dirhams for the "Sahrawi Committee for Supporting the UN Settlement Plan and Protecting Natural Resources in Western Sahara" (CSPRON).
Catalonia: A Haven for Separatists
Politically, the Polisario enjoys "principled" support from separatist parties in the Basque Country and Catalonia, in addition to backing from far-left parties and alliances, such as Podemos and Sumar.
Catalonia stands out as the region where this political support is most evident, particularly from the "Republican Left of Catalonia" (ERC). The party, led by Oriol Junqueras—a former Catalan Vice President convicted for his role in the 2017 independence referendum—holds 7 seats in the Spanish Congress, 4 in the Senate, 1 in the European Parliament, and 20 in the Catalan Parliament, making it the third-largest political force in the region.
ERC is highly active in providing in-kind and logistical support for Polisario separatists in cities like Barcelona, Girona, and Tarragona. Its members also play a key role in organizing fundraising campaigns through civil society associations and securing financial aid via municipal councils under their control.
In Barcelona, local sources indicated that the Polisario exploits the "humanitarian situation of Sahrawi refugees in Tindouf camps" as propaganda to obtain financial grants, particularly from the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation. A few months ago, the Barcelona City Council, led by Socialist Jaume Collboni, announced a "temporary decision" regarding funding applications, proposing financial support of €60,000 for the "Federation of Catalan Associations in Solidarity with the Sahrawi People" and €14,446 for an organization called "Saharawis Amid Nowhere."
Separatist "Mafia" in Italy
The Polisario's search for funding extends to Italy, particularly Rome, where it secures government financing through the Directorate General for Development Cooperation under the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This agency funds and oversees "social projects" in the Tindouf camps as part of Italy’s sustainable development initiatives until 2030.
This directorate supports programs like the "Food Assistance for Western Saharan Refugees" initiative under the World Food Programme and the "Assistance for Sahrawi Refugees in Tindouf" project under the UNHCR, as well as UNICEF’s humanitarian efforts focusing on women and children in the camps.
Recently, the Italian cooperation agency allocated an "emergency contribution" of €200,000 to UNHCR to address the floods that hit the camps. Additionally, grants were provided to Algeria through the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation as part of the 2030 sustainable development projects benefiting the Tindouf camp residents.
According to information obtained by Assahifa from Rome, the Polisario has infiltrated Italian political circles, particularly through the "National Association for Solidarity with the Sahrawi People," headquartered in the capital, with branches across the country. This network enables the separatists to secure political backing from several left-wing parties and raise funds for Tindouf under the guise of humanitarian aid.
These donations and grants, according to Assahifa's findings, are the primary source of funding for the Polisario leadership's travel expenses, "allowances," and "compensations" during their missions in Italy. In fact, they even cover personal purchases from the association’s funds.
Furthermore, the Polisario benefits from civil society support in Italy, particularly in the Emilia-Romagna region, where pro-separatist organizations are active. Their presence is also notable in Bologna’s academic institutions.
In Tuscany, Polisario representatives set up donation booths to collect funds from the public, especially in municipalities like Sesto Fiorentino, Campi Bisenzio, and Empoli, which serve as separatist strongholds. The front also receives support from the NGO ARCI, which allocated €224,000 in 2024 from UN, EU, and Italian government funding. Other financial support comes from associations in Reggio Emilia, Bologna, Modena, Padua, and various Italian regions.
British Funds for Polisario Leaders
For decades, the Polisario Front has managed to secure funding within the United Kingdom. According to data obtained during our investigation, the front, through its supporting associations, benefits from the fact that British law does not impose a ceiling on fundraising activities. Sources in London told Assahifa that the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Western Sahara (APPG-Western Sahara) has never published its financial reports for public scrutiny.
The Western Sahara Campaign (WSC), a non-governmental organization, actively lobbies British MPs and previously did the same with members of the European Parliament before Brexit. A dedicated fund was also established under the name Western Sahara Trust, with an annual budget reaching £400,000.
Polisario’s funding in London also comes through the Justice UK association, led by separatist Sidi Ahmed Fadel, as well as the Western Sahara Action Forum (WSAF), an entity specialized in advocating for the separatist cause at the United Nations. Additionally, the Polisario benefits from support provided by charities focused on poverty and hunger relief, such as War on Want, based in London, and Oxfam, headquartered in Oxford.
The financial support directed at the Polisario from the UK is also notable for its diversity. For instance, among the non-governmental entities providing funding is Sandblast, a charity operating in the arts sector, which had a fund balance of £50,000 in 2024. Another example is the Olive Branch foundation, an organization that financially supports artists sympathetic to the Polisario. Its funding comes from direct donations, as well as revenue from gambling through the National Lottery, in addition to funding from the Arts Council England.
Germany: Funding Collected by Parties
In Germany, the Polisario not only receives financial backing from elected councils and NGOs but also from political parties. The far-left Die Linke party, which currently holds 28 seats in the Bundestag out of 709, provides direct financial support to the separatist front through some of its MPs, funding its activities in Germany.
Meanwhile, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), which leads the current coalition government and has 207 parliamentary seats—the largest bloc in the Bundestag—saw some of its members visit the Tindouf camps in April 2024. Its coalition partner, the Green Party, with 117 MPs, also maintains close ties with the separatist front. For example, in December 2023, Green Party MP Petra Sitte hosted Polisario representative Mohammed Aba Dekhil in her office in Saxony.
At the civil society level, several organizations provide financial support to the Polisario under the guise of charitable and humanitarian activities. According to multiple local sources, these include the Salma Association for Refugee Children Aid, as well as Interkulturelle Brücke e.V., Betterplace, and Barrio Olga Benario. All of these organizations have been found to channel funds to Tindouf, where the Polisario leadership is based.
Brazilian Generosity and Separatist Tactics
Polisario’s presence in Latin America is longstanding and open, with many countries in the region serving as traditional strongholds that have supported it diplomatically, financially, and even through arms and logistical supplies. However, Brazil has attempted to maintain a balanced stance, preserving good relations with Rabat—given their shared economic interests—while also avoiding antagonizing Algeria.
According to political sources, Assahifa has obtained information confirming that the Polisario received support from the Brazilian government via the Brazilian Cooperation Agency. This agency previously provided two financial aids: one of $300,000 and another of $120,000, allocated to the World Food Programme and the UNHCR for projects in the Tindouf camps.
The Brazilian government has also donated more than 2,170 tons of rice to the so-called "Sahrawi refugees." In February 2024, it launched the Brazilian Initiative for Supporting Sahrawi Refugees in a ceremony hosted at the Brazilian Embassy in Algiers. During the event, it announced the Response Plan for Sahrawi Refugee Needs in Tindouf (2024-2025), which includes the donation of 65 water purification devices for schools, along with 65 solar panels and 65 stationary batteries. Additionally, the embassy stated that it had encouraged the Brazilian private sector to contribute to the initiative by donating rice, meat, and other food supplies.
Recently, the Brazilian Cooperation Agency, which operates under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, granted 1.2 million Brazilian reais (approximately $350,000) to the World Food Programme, with funds distributed across Sudan, Haiti, and Algeria—the latter receiving its share as the host of the Tindouf camps.
Beyond government support, Polisario also benefits from backing from the Brazilian Workers’ Confederation (CTB), which recently held its fourth national congress in Salvador. During this event, Polisario’s representative in Brazil, Ahmed Emberek, was invited as an "international guest." In the past, dozens of volunteers from the Brazilian Center for Health Studies (CEBES) have also traveled to the camps to participate in medical projects.
South Africa: Expected Funding
After Algeria, South Africa is the second-largest supporter of "Polisario" in Africa, with financial and in-kind support among the various forms of assistance. In Pretoria, the African Renaissance Fund (DIRCO) stands out as a key tool used to meet the needs of the separatist front, through signing memorandums of understanding and financial and humanitarian support agreements.
The arts and culture sector of the South African government is also one of the main supporters of "Polisario" through the University of Pretoria, which provides humanitarian assistance in kind, offers training to separatists, and organizes trips to the "Tindouf" camps.
The Algerian Embassy in Pretoria plays a pivotal role in facilitating this support by easing visa procedures for activists supporting the separatist cause and ensuring their movement to the Tindouf camps. It also funds pro-Polisario activities within South Africa, coordinating between South African companies and foreign firms with branches there, as well as NGOs that adopt the front's agenda.
Transfer of Funds and Aid: The Quick Path for Polisario Leaders to Enrich Themselves
The residents of the Tindouf camps, whom Algeria and "Polisario" refer to as "refugees" while Morocco insists they are "detained," receive the necessary support from the United Nations within the framework established by the UNHCR. However, outside this framework, several NGOs, mostly from Europe, provide aid to the "Polisario" front at the request of its leaders or under pressure from supporting associations.
These organizations, according to information gathered from several sources, operate under the names of "Committees to Support the Sahrawi People" (CEAS) or "Friends of the Sahrawi Republic Associations" (AARASD) and coordinate their work through an organization known as the "European Coordination to Support the Sahrawi People" (EUCOCO), based in Brussels and chaired by Belgian Pierre Galand. This organization adopts the separatist cause.
This operational method has given rise to a phenomenon of "money laundering" and in-kind support to the leadership of "Polisario," with part of the aid, including food, medicines, clothing, school supplies, electronic equipment such as radios and computers, and household and health items, going directly to the front's leadership as soon as it enters Algeria through the cities of Oran and Bechar. It is then diverted into the black market in collusion with Algerian authorities.
Another portion of the aid reaching the camps is transported in several trucks to Mauritania, where it is sold in various local markets, with each truck being assigned to a separatist official who grants the necessary permits for leaving the camps.
Financial assistance follows the same pattern. "Assahifa" obtained information indicating that some Swedish organizations, specifically Rada Barnen and SIDA, send money in the form of cash transfers or checks to the camps to buy food, but these funds have never been used for that purpose. Instead, the donors received fraudulent invoices for purchasing meat.
"Polisario" also exploits its organization called "Sahrawi Red Crescent," which is not listed in the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, to cover up illegal spending of in-kind and financial assistance received from abroad, which is supposed to serve humanitarian purposes and alleviate the suffering of camp residents. Morocco and other countries have raised this issue with the UNHCR, urging it to take direct control of aid distribution.
The "Aid Wealthy" List
Over the years, as the stark contrast grew between the harsh life of camp residents and the luxurious life of "Polisario" leaders, accusations have followed these leaders, even within Tindouf, of being involved in looting aid and diverting funds intended for humanitarian purposes to their personal bank accounts. This is evident from their properties, cars, bank accounts, and lists of possessions.
Sahrawis opposed to "Polisario" who spoke with "Assahifa" claimed that it is a "systematic and illegal exploitation" of aid funds, which has led to the enrichment of many leaders in Tindouf, especially those benefiting from trips and meeting supporters of the camp residents in Europe, as well as from officials representing the front abroad.
At the top of the list is Salek Baba Hasna, currently given the title of "Minister of Public Health" by "Polisario." All projects supposedly implemented in the camps pass through him. He was previously accused by former front leader and "minister," Ahmed Breik Allah, of embezzling aid funds, allegations which were also directed at Taleb Omar, who is referred to as "Sahrawi Ambassador to Algeria."
Other accusations target Bouhabini Yahya, head of the so-called "Sahrawi Red Crescent," who is responsible for receiving and handling incoming humanitarian aid trucks, and Mohamed Salem Ould Salek, who holds the position of "Minister of Counsel to the Presidency." He faced criticism within the camps after it was revealed that he owns an expensive home in Tindouf and a large herd of camels.
Among those also involved in "enriching" from aid is Oubi Buchraya Bachir, the former representative of the front in several European countries and at the European Union, who was accused of embezzling foreign currency-based aid to the "Polisario" through its representation in Europe. His main accuser is "Polisario" leader Brahim Ghali, during recent Secretariat meetings, following escalating disputes between them.
Oubi Buchraya Bachir indeed owns several properties in Spain and Mauritania, including a house in Valencia worth €160,000, a property in Las Palmas worth €100,000, two large homes in Nouakchott worth €200,000 each, and a property in Nouadhibou valued at €80,000.
The list also includes Mohamed Yassine Bessit, the former "Polisario" representative in the United States, who is accused of embezzling funds during his missions as the front’s representative in South Africa, Algeria, and Belgium. Sahrawis who spoke with "Assahifa" claim that he owns a house near the camps in what is known as the "El Aaiún" region, valued at €150,000.
Fingers of accusation also point to front leader Khateri Douh, who is described as the "Minister of Education." He was a temporary leader of "Polisario" following the death of Mohamed Ould Abdelaziz in 2016. He owns a large house in what is called "Smara Province," valued at €120,000.
Also named is Bashir Mustafa Sayed, the brother of the late "Polisario" founder, Walid Mustafa Sayed, and a current competitor of Brahim Ghali for the position of "Secretary-General." He is considered one of the wealthiest figures in the front, with 1,200 camels, a fleet of five four-wheel-drive "Toyota" vehicles, and significant investments in Mauritania.
Illegal Immigration as a Source of Enrichment
Illegal immigration represents another source of illicit enrichment for the "Polisario" separatists, as its members manage networks involved in organized human trafficking operations within Europe. One of these networks, specializing in secret migration to Spain, operates from within the Tindouf camps in Algerian territory. It is run by separatist Sahrawi elements who collaborate with Algerian officials at certain Algerian ports in exchange for financial sums.
The data we obtained indicates that Sahrawis wishing to migrate illegally to Spain are required to raise 160 million Algerian dinars (about 1.14 million Euros) for the members of this network. They must also hand over their passports, which will be stamped at some Algerian ports before they are allowed to board ships heading towards Spain, with an average of 20 Sahrawi candidates per trip.
At the head of this network is the separatist Sidi Amin Ould Lmeghimid. He was operating freely within this network using a Spanish residence document and was investigated by Spanish authorities in 2022 for his involvement in the illegal immigration network. During his arrest, the Spanish police seized a truck belonging to him that contained a bag with 60,000 Euros. This money was being transferred to the "Polisario" circles to fuel its network of illicit profiteering.
Not Just Accusations
Accusations against the "Polisario" separatist front regarding embezzlement of funds and international aid meant primarily for the inhabitants of the Tindouf camps, as well as its diversion outside the humanitarian scope, are supported by many reports and data. Some of these sources come from the United Nations itself. For example, in 2021, in his regular report to the Security Council on the Sahara issue, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres mentioned that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights "received information from non-governmental organizations stating that the Polisario Front is embezzling humanitarian and financial aid."
In October 2023, the Permanent Representative of Morocco to the United Nations presented to the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly international reports explicitly stating that humanitarian aid destined for the Tindouf camps was being systematically embezzled. These documents came from the European Anti-Fraud Office, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, and the World Food Programme.
Morocco's Permanent Representative to the UN in New York, Omar Hilal, speaking in response to what he described as "Algerian lies," one of which claimed Algeria "bears the humanitarian burden" of the Tindouf camps, pointed out that the humanitarian aid provided by Algeria to the camps was very limited. He emphasized that the international community "provides the bulk of humanitarian and financial aid to these camps," while Algeria "spends billions of dollars arming the separatist 'Polisario' group and ensuring its diplomatic support worldwide, especially through pressure groups."
Hilal added that "Algeria turns a blind eye to the embezzlement of international humanitarian aid by officials of the Algerian Red Crescent," and that "these systematic and widespread embezzlements are documented by the European Anti-Fraud Office, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, and also by the World Food Programme in its report issued in January 2023 on evaluation of the strategic country program for Algeria 2019-2022.
The report referred to by Hilal provides precise documentation of human trafficking operations involving humanitarian aid reaching the Tindouf camps. This aid is often transferred to other Algerian provinces or neighboring countries for resale illegally, all while the Sahrawi camp residents face escalating health crises, with Algeria granting the armed separatist front control over aid distribution operations.
What is striking is that the period covered by the World Food Programme report coincided with the launch of an "urgent appeal" by the "Polisario" via its so-called "Sahrawi Red Crescent" in March 2022. In this appeal, it urged donor countries and humanitarian organizations to "hasten their assistance to the Sahrawis to cover their minimum needs." This move was made through the official Algerian News Agency.
The appeal calls on donor countries, UN agencies, international humanitarian organizations, and civil society associations, as well as what it calls the "solidarity movement with the Sahrawis," to provide "urgent humanitarian assistance." It claims that the situation of the Sahrawis in the camps is "more fragile than ever" due to the repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic, mentioning that "the volume of monthly food rations provided to these refugees has decreased by more than 50 percent," especially between the last months of 2021 and the first months of 2022.
Europeans Discover the Scandal
However, what the "Sahrawi Red Crescent" and the "Algerian News Agency" failed to mention was what had happened shortly before. The Spanish judiciary began prosecuting members of the "Polisario" Front, led by a doctor, who were involved in stealing humanitarian aid, specifically medications that were supposed to reach the Tindouf camps. However, it turned out that they were being directed to the black market.
This scandal embarrassed the Polisario when the pro-Polisario doctor, who worked in the Andalusian Health Department in southern Spain, was found to be leading a network trafficking in humanitarian aid. Despite civil society organizations sending letters on this matter to the Polisario leadership, the lack of response led to the Spanish security authorities intervening, tracking the reselling of the stolen medications, before the arrested individuals were referred to the "Jaén" court.
In reality, such practices are not new or surprising. They are well known by donor countries and organizations, including the European Union. On July 2, 2020, the Development Committee of the European Parliament raised the issue of the embezzlement of humanitarian aid intended for the Sahrawis in Tindouf during a hearing attended by the then EU Commissioner for Crisis Management, Janez Lenarčič.
Lenarčič confirmed at the time that the European Commission had implemented oversight measures and established several controls regarding aid sent to the camps located on Algerian territory. He admitted that when it came to the number of beneficiaries of humanitarian aid, "there are often doubts about the actual figures in areas that are inaccessible."
French Member of the European Parliament, Dominique Bilde, was bolder in her statements, describing what was happening as "embezzlement" requiring an investigation. She spoke about the phenomenon of "aid diversion" by the Polisario and Algeria, revealing that Algeria "which has long refused to conduct a census of the refugees, despite repeated UN calls, imposes a 5 percent tax on this aid."
According to the French MEP, who had served for 10 years in the European Parliament, "this is a suspicious system," highlighting that its involvement in looting and diverting aid has been "documented since the European Anti-Fraud Office's investigation in 2015." She urged the European Commission "to have the courage to put an end to this scandal and hold Algeria accountable."
The European Anti-Fraud Office investigation was also the catalyst that prompted the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2016 to announce "support for the recommendations of the European Parliament to enhance monitoring of the financing of humanitarian aid destined for the camps and to ensure it reaches its rightful beneficiaries," following an inquiry from the Moroccan-Danish advisory council.
At that time, Lena Agernæs, representing the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs' Humanitarian Aid, Migration, and Civil Society Department, responded in a letter stating that "from a Danish perspective, the focus should be on preventing the embezzlement of European Union funds, and thus Denmark supports the measures taken by the European Commission."
Organized Aid Diversion
The European Anti-Fraud Office's report, which revealed these violations, was published in January 2015. It explicitly discusses the organized and consecutive diversions of humanitarian aid intended for the residents of the Tindouf camps. One of the most alarming points made was that the aid is only distributed to the locals "to the extent that allows them to stay alive."
The document revealed that much of the international humanitarian aid, including that coming from the European Union since 1975, is sold in foreign markets, benefiting Algerian officials and leaders of the separatist front. It also pointed out that exaggerating the population count of the camps, due to the lack of an official census, paves the way for such practices.
Based on this report, the Budgetary Control Committee of the European Parliament intervened, urging the European Commission to "align its aid" with the "actual needs" of the camp residents. This was reflected in a draft report for the settlement of the European Union's general budget for 2013, presented by the committee's chairperson, German MEP Ingeborg Gräßle. She also called for "ending all forms of trafficking and diversion of humanitarian aid."
Humanitarian Aid or Weapons Budget?
While the Sahrawi separatist movement's appropriation of international aid is supported by reports from the United Nations and the European Union, this reality raises an urgent question: Where is this money spent?
It is certain, as previously mentioned, that there are signs and indicators that many of the front's leaders benefit from these funds for personal gain. This is evident from the wealth displayed by these individuals, reflected in properties, projects, and assets they hold, both on Algerian land and in the camps, as well as in Europe and Mauritania.
On the other hand, the Polisario also uses these funds to buy "weapons" to strengthen its armed militias. In 2023, the Forum for the Support of Autonomy in the Tindouf Camps (known as "FORSATIN") published expenditure items covering the front's leadership period from December 2019 to January 2023, confirming the scale of spending in this area.
In the "Defense" category, which refers to spending on arming its militias, the front spent a total of 426 billion Algerian dinars, or 3.13 billion US dollars at that time, equivalent to more than a third of Algeria's defense budget for 2023.
In the general expenses category, it became apparent that over three years, the Polisario spent an astronomical amount, reaching 1.059 trillion dinars, equivalent to 7.79 billion dollars. Among these expenses were those categorized as "foreign affairs," such as the travel and tours of its leaders abroad, amounting to 129 billion dinars (950 million dollars), while "administration" costs, referring to internal expenses for its members, amounted to 124 billion dinars (910 million dollars).
These figures can also be linked to the data revealed by Omar Hilal, Morocco's permanent representative to the United Nations, during a press conference in New York in October 2022. He mentioned that the drones announced by the Polisario were Iranian-made, each costing 22,000 dollars, with the payment for these drones coming from the humanitarian aid funds received by the front.
This statement echoes what French MEP Dominique Bilde said before the European Parliament in July 2020, when she noted that part of the humanitarian aid received by the Polisario "is resold to help purchase military equipment, including war tanks and missiles, while the number of refugees is greatly exaggerated to obtain more aid."
